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  • Writer's pictureDavid Hamblin

Why Don't You Overthrow 'em, Valery?

You may have denounced the Soviet Union as a Degenerated Workers State (other criticisms of a less Fourth International flavour are available but none so succinct) but have you ever stolen a Soviet Missile Frigate in order to restore the Motherland for Leninism?


"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." Thus spake Marx. There are many who have taken Karl's axiom to heart and there are those who have achieved that change. However none attempted it with the degree of verve possessed by Valery Sablin.


Valery Sablin was born in 1939 and was ostensibly everything the Soviet Union wanted in a citizen. Studious, patriotic, and devoted to the cause of Communism. A graduate of the Lenin Military-Political Academy (with distinction his name carved in the white marble roll of honour) and then a political officer in the navy (a traditionally radical section of the armed forces). He absorbed many of the cultural offerings available including Aram Khachaturian's Spartacus and the poetry of Yevgeny Yevtushenko - what might be regarded as 'acceptable dissidentism'.


It was a combination of these factors which led to the first mark against his name when he wrote to Khruschev with a call to “rid the Communist Party of sycophants and corrupt elements” along with further broad exhortations to end corruption within the Party. Those that would utter speaking truth to power would do well to look at Valery Sablin of what that can truly mean. Following this episode Sablin was more guarded with his stances without changing their substance.


Over time Valery Sablin worked his way through the system becoming the appointed Political Officer with the rank of Captain on the frigate Storozhevoy. His lectures were well received by the crew at a time when such lectures were more often than not drab and mere rote learning of Soviet ideology. Sablin continued to read voraciously (confiding in his friends his concern that certain texts were unavailable) and steeped himself in political theory. Valery Sablin was arguably too good a student as he took on board the values espoused by the Revolution and held them uncomfortably close to his heart. In a passage that stands as an elegant and elegy to the revolutionary spirit Sablin wrote to his partner:


"I have not always been a revolutionary. For a long time I was a liberal, satisfied that just a little change here & there was all that was necessary to fix our system; satisfied that just one or two articles exposing its deficiencies needed to be written; satisfied that just one or two leaders needed to be replaced and then justice & honesty would prevail in our society. That was until 1971. My studies at the academy finally convinced me that the armour of the State & Party Machine is so thick even direct hits on it won't make a dent & are ultimately futile. This machine needs to broken from within using its own armour against it."


Sablin's condemnation of the inherent constraints of liberalism stand true even in less oppressive systems. The gradualism inherent in liberal ideology paired with a naïve faith that fact checking egregious abuses of power will somehow achieve their end has been shown to be profoundly inadequate. Of course when referring to 'using its own armour against it' the more prosaic revolutionary would think of using the existing political infrastructure, the press such as it is, and similar rather than a 1135 Burevestnik-class anti-submarine frigate named Storozhevoy...


For Valery Sablin had decided on his course of action: on the 8th of November 1975 he would seize the ship (convincing the sailors to mutiny on the grounds of long held grievances - especially on rations - and to rid the Party of the corrupt and the self-serving), sail to Leningrad, and broadcast a message to the people to overthrow the corruption that ruled them. It was not long in subtlety and as time would show practicality. Sablin's actions also shows that streak of Romanticism often claimed by self-proclaimed revolutionaries but not often demonstrated. Not least of which his desire to stage a revolution in the USSR without a body count which is, as they say, a take.


There is a style of play in certain computer games where violence & death are central components of attempting what is known as "a pacifist run". That is to say to try and complete the game without killing anyone. Needless to say such runs are fraught with difficulty and only succeed with a degree of patience, luck, and skill. It is in this spirit seemingly that Valery Sablin endeavoured to stage a revolution in the USSR...


Being unable to persuade the captain to leave his ship for shore leave Sablin instead tricked him into an out of the way ship compartment and locked him (along with a letter explaining that Sablin was in the process of purloining his ship and also a pile of books from the ship's library - one of the most civilised mutinous actions ever perpetrated on the captain of a vessel). Sablin worked on some officers one-to-one to persuade them to his cause. In particular Alexander Shein resolved to give his support to the political officer who he admired and respected. Sablin then took a vote of the remaining officers if they would join his mutiny and the result was a fifty-fifty split. Those against were similarly locked up (also ensuring their deniability if the mutiny failed).


With the assistance of his mutinous comrades he then sought to get the crew on side. Many of the crew were watching the designated film The Battleship Potemkin a cinematic choice so clunkingly heavy handed it was akin to a boxer with lead weights stuffed in their gloves (and the gloves themselves embossed with metallic Communist slogans). After speaking to the crew they supported his mutiny and the Storozhevoy was in the hands of Valery Sablin's cause.


The Storozhevoy laid a course for Leningrad but alas the authorities were alerted and a pursuit involving the Soviet Navy and Airforce came into play. Sablin continued his refusal to fire on those he regarded as both countrymen and comrades. Instead Sablin launched volleys of what could have been the most dangerous munition of all: his cause.


The radioman played a recorded message stating that the crew were not traitors but that the "time has come for us to openly address a range of questions about the political, social, and economic development of our country" they emphasised their "sincere desire to achieve genuine Communist relations in our society" while recognising "the danger of physical and moral destruction at the hands of state institutions or hired guns" it concluded with the request that if a representative from the Storozhevoy was not seen later that night on the news that workers should commence a general strike (being of the Socialist mien Sablin knew that a General Strike had to feature somewhere in proceedings). Alas the message was never heard by the masses due to it being broadcast solely on military frequencies. Of those it did reach they sympathised with the sentiment (one pilot refused to fire on their initial pass) but could not overcome their belief that Sablin's actions could never bring about the change he sought.


It is of note that the sentiments expressed did not convince those in high command either of their legitimacy nor of their sincerity. The literal sea course that Sablin took was the same route one would take if defecting to Sweden. It was assumed therefore that Sablin was involved in an elaborate ruse in a bid for safety. Senior officers were unable to comprehend the revolutionary zeal of Sablin nor the base corruption of their own society.


The tide turned on the Storozhevoy. Soviet Air Force Yak-28s and Su-24s raked the side of the ship with 30mm cannon fire and proceeded to drop a number of 500lb bombs on the vessel. With smoke pouring out of the damaged stern it was all too much for some who had joined the mutiny. They released the captain and the imprisoned officers and sought to take the ship back under control. The Captain was unable to bring himself to kill Sablin (whom he had known well and counted as a friend) so merely shot him in the leg to incapacitate him. With that the mutiny was over.


In the ensuing KGB investigation the crew were interrogated and a combination of pressure, interrogation techniques, exhaustion, fear, and anger at the predicament they found themselves in they apologised and sought to remain in the Soviet Navy. For those that engaged in the mutiny all were dishonourably discharged from the Soviet Navy. Seaman Alexander Shein was imprisoned following an interrogation which latched on to his defiant support of Sablin and his assertion that he did indeed violate an article of the Penal Code - he was only released after eight years.


As for Valery Sablin while he conceded that he regretted involving others in his plan he initially refused to concede that what he did was treason or against his military oath. Indeed he endeavoured to state that the crew were following legitimate orders and therefore no blame could be attached to anyone but himself. In time Sablin came to confess that his actions were a foolish venture and pleaded guilty while asking the court not to punish his men. It has een speculated that such a plea was entered on the understanding that his life and those of his comrades were to be spared. Instead of clemency he was sentenced to death.


Valery Sablin was executed in the most cowardly manner by the Soviet authorities. In a basement in the prison in which he was held. His reported last letter to his son included the lines:


"Trust the fact that history will judge events honestly and you will never have to be embarrassed for what your father did. On no account ever be one of those people who criticise but do not follow through their actions. Such people are hypocrites—weak, worthless people who do not have the power to reconcile their beliefs with their actions. I wish you courage, my dear. Be strong in the belief that life is wonderful. Be positive and believe that the Revolution will always win."


Valery Sablin remains a personal hero of We Need To Talk About Bevan. How could he not? A Socialist Romantic with the wherewithal to engage in a course of action that he must have known was likely to fail but while there was a chance it could work he could not be dissuaded from his course. In a fairer world Sablin's actions would be judged to be akin to those who volunteered to fight fascism in Spain. It is a story that needs to be told and this article is but a few fragments of the whole. For a more fulsome picture I urge readers to acquire a copy of 'The Last Sentry' (Gregory D. Young & Nate Braden) (from which many of the events this article uses are drawn), watch the documentary Mutiny on the Storozhevoy, and carry out other research.


Given the fact that Valery Sablin's cause was seemingly esoteric and his actions had little chance of succeeding it is legitimate to ask why so many followed him and (perhaps more tellingly) why some who lost all refused to condemn him. "He was a hero and still is. My feelings haven't changed" stated Viktor Borodai one of the mutineers and Alexander Shein, (Valery Sablin's right hand during proceedings) declared "Every society needs noble spirits. Without them, no society can move forward, Sablin was that sort of noble spirit." Let us each endeavour to be noble spirits in turn.


Valery Sablin was 'convinced that a revolutionary consciousness will catch fire among our people' it is up to ourselves to recognise and coax that flame so it may burn brightly amidst the night in which we find ourselves until a new dawn may be realised.


Valery Sablin - Rest in Power.




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